LISSIM 6

June 1-15, 2012@ Kangra

Selected Essays

I presented the following paper in LISSIM 5 after discussing it with Ayesha Kidwai and Norvin Richards. During the presentation I got extremely important comments from Tanmoy Bhattacharya and Utpal Lahiri, both of them having worked on the similar constructions in Bangla already. The student participants gave me some interesting variation in judgement.

Left-peripheral Factive Complements in Bangla: a brief description

Ishani Guha
PhD (DU)

The construction:

          The left-peripheral complement clause in Bangla typically consists of an obligatorily non-initial ‘je’ inside it. The clause always precedes the predicate that selects it. These traits must be seen against the canonical finite complement clause in Bangla which appears post-verbally and contains an obligatorily initial complementizer je inside it.

Canonical finite complement clause:

1.    Robi janto  [je           mini aSbe]

Robi knew  COMP  Mini come-FUT

‘Robi knew that Mini would come.’

The left-peripheral complement clause:

2.    [Mini je           aSbe ]            robi   (ta/ Se-Ta)         janto

 Mini COMP   come-FUT   Robi    that/ Dem-cla   knew

Lit. ‘That Mini would come, Robi knew it.’

Non-initial positioning of je:[1]

2a.  *[je          Mini          aSbe ]            robi   (ta/ Se-Ta)         janto

          COMP  Mini          come-FUT    Robi   that/Dem-cla   knew

         Lit. ‘That Mini would come, Robi knew it.’

An important aspect of the left-peripheral construction is that it is ‘resumed’ by an anaphoric pronoun or anaphoric demonstrative phrase ta/ Se-Ta before the predicate that selects the left peripheral clause. This anaphoric proform (DP) refers to the clause and it can be dropped when it carries null case (nominative, accusative). But when there is overt case on the resumptive proform it cannot be dropped. It must be noted in this case, that Bangla generally allows dropping of overtly case marked arguments.

Overt case on the resumptive pronoun:

3.    [Mini je          aSbe         ]   robi   *(ta-r/ Se-Ta-r                       opor)  kono kOtha bOleni

 Mini COMP  come-FUT    Robi    that-GEN/Dem-cla-GEN  about   any    talk     say-perf-pres-3-neg

Lit. ‘That Mini would come, Robi didn’t talk about that.’

Constituency of the clause and the resumptive pronoun:

It is possible to coordinate two [complement clause – resumptive pronoun] sequences, which shows that they form constituents.

4. Benu   amake [[robi    je         aSbena ]             SeTa]    ar    [[mini je         baRi  gAche] SeTa]      baad

    Benu  me        Robi COMP come-Fut-neg  Dem-cla    and     Mini COMP home gone    Dem-cla  leave

    diye               ar-SObi               bolechilo  

    give-nonfin  everything else    said

    ‘Benu told me everything except that Robi won’t come and that Mini has gone home.’

Furthermore, the distance between the complement clause and the resumptive pronoun is sensitive to islands.

The factive clause and the pronoun placed across finite clause boundaries:

5. [mini je          aSbena]               ami jani     [ je         robi     Se-Ta     boleche]

     Mini COMP  come-FUT-neg  I      know   COMP  Robi   that-cla   said

‘I know that robi has said that Mini will not come.’

Across Relative Clause Island:

6.??[mini je aSbe]                     robi bollo [RCje lok-Ta SeTa jane      Sei lok-Ta-ke          benu dAkheni]

         Mini  COMP come-FUT   Robi  said   Rel man-cla  that knows Dem man-cla-ACC  Benu see-perf-                    

                                                                                                                                                                    neg

‘Robi said that Benu hasn’t seen the man who said that Mini will come.’

 

Across Adjunct Island:

7. *[diti je           cole gAche] robi   bollo  je          mini aSeni         [ADJ ISLkaron     benu SeTa     jane]

        Diti COMP  leave went   Robi said   COMP Mini come-perf-neg     because Benu that-cla knows

‘Robi said that Mini hasn’t come because Benu knew that Diti has left.’

Variable Binding:

A pronominal in the left-peripheral factive clause can be bound by a quantifier in the matrix clause, but not vice versa.

8. [tarai/orai je          porikkhay   fel  korbe]    SOb chatroii               SeTa     aSoNka korechilo

     they        COMP exam-LOC fail do-Fut    all    students-emph  that-cla fear         did

‘All students feared that they will fail in the exam.’

9. [SOb chatroii                 je          porikkhay fel  korbe]     tara *i/ j /ora *i/ j SeTa      aSoNka korechilo

      all    students-emph    COMP exam-LOC fail do-Fut   they                  that-cla fear         did

‘They feared that all students will fail in the exam.’

Condition C effect:

A pronominal in the left-peripheral factive clause can be bound by the proper noun subject of the matrix clause, but not vice versa.

10. [Sei/oi je          porikkhay  fel  korbe]      robii SeTa aSoNka korechilo

        he     COMP exam-LOC fail do-Fut   Robi that   fear        did

‘Robi feared that he will fail in the exam.’

11. [robii je          porikkhay   fel   korbe]     Se *i/ j/o *i/j SeTa aSoNka korechilo

       robi   COMP exam-LOC fail do-Fut   he           that   fear       did

‘He feared that Robi will fail in the exam.’

The island violations and reconstruction effects show that the factive clause is not base generated at the left-periphery of the matrix clause, but it is moved to that position from a position below the matrix subject.

Conjunction of factive complements:

When two factive complements are conjoined, the resumptive pronoun may still retain its singular form only if the two clauses contain related or sequential events, so that the conjunction can be treated as a single event. However, if both the conjuncts contain je inside them, it is difficult to use the singular pronoun for resumption.

12. [[Mini je           aSbe]           ar     [benu  (je)         cole    jabe]]    robi   ta/ Se-SOb     janto na

       Mini COMP  come-FUT  and    Benu COMP   leave go-Fut     Robi that/that-all    knew neg

‘Robi didn’t know that mini will come and Benu will leave.’

13. [Mini je           aSbe             ar       benu ke      (je)      SONge niye jabe]      robi ta/ Se-SOb   janto na

      Mini COMP  come-FUT  and    Benu-ACC COMP  with      take go-Fut  Robi that/that-all   knew neg

‘Robi didn’t know that mini will come and will take Benu along with her.’

But the resumptive pronoun has to be plural if the conjoined factive clauses express unrelated events.

14. [[Chomsky *(je)         gaza-y        jabe]     ar    [ Dhaka-te     *(je)       niramish              pawa mushkil]]

        Chomsky    COMP  Gaza-LOC go-Fut   and   Dhaka-LOC   COMP vegetarian food  getting difficult

??ta/ Se-SOb  jene    tumi ki      korbe?

that/ that-all  know   you  what  do-Fut

‘What will you do by knowing that Chomsky will go to Gaza and that it is difficult to get vegetarian food in Dhaka?’

          It must be noticed that while je can be dropped from one of the conjuncts in 12 and 13, it cannot be dropped from any of the conjuncts in 14. This is a crucial point because in the post-verbal finite complement clause there is always only one complementizer je placed initially. So it is not feasible to conclude that the left-peripheral complement is the raised form of the post verbal complement. They are part of different constructions and are not derivable from each other.  

15. robi   jane     ( je)    [[Chomsky gaza-y        jabe]     ar   [ Dhaka-te      niramish             pawa mushkil]]

      Robi  knows COMP Chomsky  Gaza-LOC go-Fut   and  Dhaka-LOC vegetarian food  getting difficult

‘Robi knows that Chomsky wll go to Gaza and it is difficult to get vegetarian food at Dhaka.’

The fact that je in left-peripheral factive complements can be dropped where it is possible to interpret the conjunction as expressing a single event, but not where the conjuncts cannot be taken as representing a single event, points out that the left-peripheral factive complements need a je for each event in the construction. I would like to propose that the je in these factive clauses is not a complementizer but an operator that relativizes the event expressed in the clause. In Bangla there is no null operator, and this explains why the factive complements must obligatorily have a je in them, while the post-verbal finite complement clause can drop the complementizer je in them.

The resumptive pronoun:

It is important to note that the resumptive pronoun ta or Se-Ta in the factive complements under discussion, is different from e-Ta which precedes the clause it refers to. The former consists of anaphoric pronouns which are bound by the preceding clause and the latter is made up of a proximal deictic pronoun.

16. robi   e-Ta/ * ta/* Se-Ta             bhabeni     [je          amra SObai kaj-Ta      Ato           taRataRi

    Robi  this-cla/ * that/ * dem-cla  knew-neg   COMP  we     all       work-cla so much    soon

kore     phelbo]

do-cp   throw-Fut

Lit. ‘Robi didn’t realize it [that we would finish the work so soon].’

17. [amra je          SObai kaj-Ta      Ato           taRataRi kore     phelbo]        robi   ?e-Ta/  ta/ Se-Ta               

        we    COMP  all       work-cla  so much    soon       do        throw-Fut   Robi  this-cla/  that/ dem-cla  knew-neg   

bhabeni 

Lit. ‘[That we would finish the work so soon] Robi didn’t realize that.’

Assumption:

Based on the characteristics of the left-peripheral factive complements discussed above I will assume that the factive complement is base generated as an adjunction to the pronoun or demonstrative phrase, which is at the argument position of the matrix predicate. The factive complement clause then lands up, through A-bar movement, at the left-periphery of the matrix clause.

Two concluding remarks:

Movement out of the factive clause:

Wide scope of Wh is not possible when inside the factive complement.

18. ke     je          aSbe           robi   Se-Ta        janto

      who  COMP come-FUT Robi  Dem-cla   knew

‘Robi knew who will come.’

# ‘Who did Robi know will come?’

But it is possible to topicalize a constituent out of the factive complement.

19. ei    boi-Ta1     robi  [mini   je       t1    poRechilo] ta     jane

      this book-cla  Robi  Mini  COMP       read           that  knows

‘This book, Robi knows that Mini has read.’

 

 

Why ‘Factive’?

Factive predicates presuppose the truth of their complement clause. Even predicates that are generally non-factive require the left-peripheral complement clause to be true for the entire sentence to be true.

20. ?? mini je        eSeche robi  ta     bolechilo kintu mini aSole      aSeni

          Mini COMP come   Robi that said         but  Mini in reality come-neg

‘Robi said that Mini has come but Mini hasn’t come in reality.’

 

References:

Bhattacharya, Tanmoy. 2001. Peripheral and Clause-internal Complementizers in Bangla: A Case for Rem-nant Movement. Western Conference in Linguistics (WECOL), 2001, Vida Samian (ed.), Fresno.

Dayal, Veneeta. 1996. Locality in Wh-Quantification. Dordrecht: Kluwer.

Lahiri, Utpal. 2002. On the proper treatment of „expletive wh in Hindi,” Lingua 112, 501–540.

Haegeman Lilian and Barbara Ürögdi. 2010. Referential CPs and DPs: An operator movement account, Theoretical Linguistics 36, 111-152.

 

[1] It must be noted in this context, that je in Bangla is homophonous between an initial complementizer and a relative pronoun.

 


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